KANDLA TO CHABAHAR AND ONWARDS TO BIG MARKETS

Prime Minister Narendra Modi, said on Monday that Kandla port in Gujarat will soon be connected with Iran’s Chabahar port, which will give a boost to India’s international trade and place the Indian port firmly on the global map. India Ports Global Pvt. Ltd (IPGPL) will develop and operate the Chabahar port. IPGPL is in the process of setting up two container berths and three multi-cargo berths there. Chabahar Port in Iran, which is located to the west of Gwadar Port in Pakistan is being developed and used jointly with Iran. And based on the Chabahar Port, we are also making our very own roadway and railway (in Iran) to join Iran and Afghanistan, without really having to join or touch Pakistan

Chabahar port allows India to have access to major Afghanistan cities like Kabul, Herat, Mazar-e-Sharif, Kandhar. which directly allows Afghanistan to be less dependent on Pakistan (a troublesome neighbour) for Indian product as Chabahar port bypasses Pakistan directly. On Iranian side India can directly access International North South Trade Corridor (INSTC) to reach its goods to Europe. This route is 40% shorter and 30% cheaper than current sea route (currently sea route via Red sea to Suez canal is used for trade and transportation). Chabahar corridor could bring down cost and time of cargo trade to Europe by about 50%. The port is connected to Iranian existing highways which are linked to Zaranj in Afghanistan which further connects to 218 km Zanranj-Delaram highway constructed by India in 2009 at cost of Rs 600 crore. So ultimately it is a lifeline for landlocked country like Afghanistan to boost its trade and regional connectivity to International market and ensure its economic growth. IRCON International will set up a railway line at Chabahar to move goods right up to Afghanistan. Indian companies would set up a range of industries from aluminum smelter to urea plants in the region. State-owned NALCO ( National Aluminum Corporation) will set up an aluminum smelter while private and co-operative fertilizer firms are keen to build urea plants.

At present, Pakistan does not allow India to transport through its territory to Afghanistan.  It would be absurd to consider India’s investment in Chabahar port as just a strategy to counter China’s influence in Central Asia. To have diplomatic and trade relations with Central Asian countries is important for India as well. But the problem has been the Pakistan’s approach. It was either Pakistan or Iran, through which India can reach to Central Asia via Afghanistan.

Chabahar port will make way for India to bypass Pakistan in transporting goods to Afghanistan using a sea-land route.The route primarily involves moving freight from India, Iran, Azerbaijan and Russia. The objective of the corridor is to increase trade connectivity between major cities such as Mumbai, Moscow, Tehran, Baku, Astrakhan etc. More or less CPEC ( China Pakistan Economic Corridor) will help only PAK & China but Chabahar has potential for other countries also. Keeping its importance in mind it would not be wrong to say Chabahar Port run by India will be as successful as CPEC. The success of Gwadar would depend on stability in Pakistan and the success of Chabahar can be maximized with a stable Afghanistan.

Solar Solution To Power Problem In Rural Africa An Inspiration For India

     More than 600 million people in sub-Saharan Africa lack access to electricity; 71 million in Kenya and Tanzania alone. Without any other options, these citizens are forced to either go without power or use kerosene, an expensive and oftentimes dangerous fuel that pollutes the air and creates fire hazards. But there is a solution that could bring affordable electricity to unserved and underserved populations while growing the local economy: pay-as-you-go solar.

     In a "pay-as-you-go" (PAYG) business model, a company essentially rents consumers a solar home system that comes with a battery, a charge controller, a solar panel, LED bulbs and a mobile charger. Basic systems have enough power to charge phones and lights, and larger ones could power small appliances like radios or TVs. Consumers use basic mobile phones – widespread in East Africa – to make payments on a daily, weekly or monthly basis.

     Through this model, companies can minimize the cost of collections by automating the receipt of payments, while remote rural customers get immediate access to basic electricity without having to take out a loan. A grid expansion project, while it may provide power to bigger appliances, can take years and significant investment to reach a rural or low-income community.

     PAYG entrepreneurs now service about 500,000 households in Kenya and Tanzania, but they represent only four or five companies, most of which are owned, managed and financed by foreign investors. This is a missed opportunity—both for citizens and for local businesses. However, local commercial banks are still not lending to these businesses because of the perceived risk of this new model. As a result, local entrepreneurs can’t access the capital they need to get started. Public finance from development finance institutions (DFIs) like the African Development Bank, Green Climate Fund or KfW could play a key role in growing the PAYG solar industry.

      DFIs have long relationships and active lines of credit with banks throughout Kenya and Tanzania, so they can spur commercial banks to make debt capital available in the local currency to entrepreneurs. Their involvement could include providing guarantee schemes or lines of credit to local banks, channeling investments through impact investors, or investing in PAYG companies’ marketing and distribution strategies, among other initiatives.

MADHESI DEMANDS IN NEPALI CONSTITUTION

      

The Madhesi people  are non-tribal, caste Hindus of Indian origin who live in the Terai region of Nepal. They are also referred to as Teraibasi Nepali  and are an indigenous ethnic group of Nepalese people. The word "Madhesh" derives from the Sanskrit term Madhyadesh which means "middle country" which was used to refer to the land between the Himalayas and the plains i.e. to the ancient kingdoms such as Videha and Shakya whose capital and minor parts are now a part of Nepal while major parts are in India. Middle country including Awadh is now in India and partially in Nepalgunj and Tulsipur Dang region of Nepal. The word Madhesh in modern days is used by Pahari Nepalis to refer to the entire flat Terai region within  Nepalese territory. The total land area of the Terai is less than 34,109 square km and comprises 20 districts that account for 23% of Nepal's total area. According to a population census of in 2001, 48% of Nepal's total population of  lived in Terai districts.

       A new Constitution was promulgated in Nepal on 20 September 2015. It has failed to satisfy the Madheshis and Tharus who constitute 70 per cent of the Terai population, who regard the formation of seven federal provinces as per the Constitution as grossly unfair to them. Only eight districts in the Terai region, from Saptari in the East to Parsa in the West, have been given the status of a province (see Map from ekantipur newspaper below); the remaining 14 districts are to be joined with the hill districts, with the sole purpose of converting the local people into a minority. The Madheshis and Tharus were sidelined in the entire constitution making process due to prevailing distrust towards them among the mainstream political parties. Of course, the Bijay Kumar Gachhadar-led Madhesi Janaadhikar Forum–Democratic was initially involved in the constitution drafting process; but later on it also had no option but to quit the alliance as its point of view was not entertained.

       Consequently, none of the major Madhesh-based parties signed the Constitution, which has serious flaws. The new Constitution has a provision for a 165-member Parliament, but the constituencies have been demarcated in such a way that the people of the hill and mountain region would get 100 seats, despite the fact that their share in Nepal's total population is less than 50 per cent. On the other hand, the Terai region constituting over half of the country's population has been allocated only 65 seats. Nepal is now widely polarised between those who support and those who oppose the Constitution. China, Pakistan and a few other countries have welcomed the new Constitution, but India has indirectly shown its displeasure over the development, which is worrisome.

       In context of new constitution, major demands of Madhesis  are  that, current constitution allocates parliamentary seats on basis of geographical area and as a result, Madhesis who represent 50% of population, will get just 39% of parliamentary seats (65 out of 165). So, Madhesis demand representation on basis of population.  Similarly, geographical spread and not population is also a precondition for other benefits and rights like - representation in National Assembly. Such provisions need amendment. There is also a clause that only persons who are by 'descent' Nepalis shall be able to occupy high constitutional posts like President, PM, Security heads, Speaker of assembly and so on. This will exclude lakhs of Madhesis who have acquired citizenship on the basis of birth or naturalization. Seven new provinces  have  manipulated  boundaries (of electoral constituency) so as to favour one party or class & they work against Madhes population. Provinces have to be redrawn to club Madhes populations together. Finally, the constitution provides delimitation exercise (re-adjustment of the electoral boundaries) after 20 years, but Madhesis wanted it to be done in 10 years ( the earlier draft outline of constitution also had the same provision, but was changed in final constitution).

       Madhesis fear that Indians will dump their political agenda once it has achieved what it wants in Kathmandu, which could be a stake in the control of water resources or priority rights in business and security contracts. The Indian establishment knows from experience — it was instrumental in breaking up Madhes-based parties in 2010 to build and bolster an anti-Maoist coalition through inducement and coercion — that not all leaders of the Madhesi movement are trustworthy. There is a reason protests are most effective in Birgunj, a city not too well known for progressive politics: It’s the only place outside of Kathmandu where there is a permanent Indian diplomatic mission.

      

There have been unconfirmed rumours of late that the Indian establishment is contemplating a change in its Nepal policy. Reportedly, Minister of External Affairs Sushma Swaraj has been impressed upon by the Hindutva and business lobby to make peace with the PEON instead of staying the course and seeking constitutional corrections to address Madhesi, Tharu and Janjati grievances. The fear of Beijing  in New Delhi has led the southblock  to wonder whether they have ended up ceding considerable space to the Chinese in Kathmandu. A section in New Delhi also probably feels that the Madhes agitation isn’t going anywhere. Two constitutional amendment bills tabled in the parliament and a couple of promises are being bandied about as a face-saving formula.

       Should India manage to keep the trust of Madhesis, neighbourly relations between India and Nepal will grow towards familial ties in future. However, if New Delhi fails to follow through its declared policies of insisting that Nepal make its constitution more inclusive, there is a risk that the relationship will slide back to the level that existed in 1980s when Kathmandu tried to counter every overture from New Delhi with patronage from  Washington and Beijing.

       Diplomacy in line with cultural affinities is a necessity rather than choice. Despite temporary setbacks, this is a reality that Kathmandu and New Delhi will have to keep in mind. History and society can change with time, but geography is destiny. India will need to be patient and keep trying to drill some sense into the short-sighted, self-serving and prejudiced permanent establishment of Nepal. There is no shirking of responsibility that comes with being one of the most powerful players in the domestic politics of a neighboring country.

SANGLI SISTERS THEN AND NOW

     I had always known Sangli as the Chess Town, the place from where the Khadilkar sisters hailed. Rohini Khadilkar was the youngest of the three Khadilkar sisters (Vasanti and Jayshree the other two). All of them dominated Indian Women’s chess championship for a decade.  Khadilkar became National Women’s Chess in 1976 at the age of 13 and was the first to win that championship in three consecutive years. She has held the title on five occasions. Khadilkar became the first female to compete in the Indian Men’s Championship when she participated in 1976. Her involvement in a male competition caused a furore that necessitated a successful appeal to the High Court and caused the World Chess Federation president, Max Euwe, to rule that women cannot be barred from national and international championships.  In 1981, Khadilkar also became the Asian Women’s Chess Championship when the competition was held at Hyderabad. She was unbeaten in that competition and scored 11.5 out of a possible 12 points, which also made her International Woman Master (IWM).  In the same year, she became an International Chess Masterand in November 1983 she again won the Asian Women’s title when the competition was held at Kualalumpur, Malaysia.

     Today I identify Sangli as the place where nineteen aborted female fetuses have been found. Sisters of a different kind from the same town, who were never born.  I thought such news was only found in the most backward regions of the world. The fact that this has been reported from Sangli , a bustling town in Maharastra, a state with high literacy and inclusive society,  is indeed a matter of concern.  Maharastra assures free education to the girl child as also implements all  national level schemes for girl child with due diligence. In a bid to achieve its objective of improving the skewed girl child ratio in Maharashtra, the state government relaunched its “Majhi Kanya Bhagyashri” scheme in 2015.The scheme was relaunched at all district headquarters with the guardian ministers handing over certificates of encouragement to couples, who  registered under the scheme. However, it has failed to gain momentum in its implementation largely due to lack of public awareness.

     Female foeticide has been linked to the arrival of affordable ultrasound technology and its widespread adoption in India, in the early 1990s. Obstetric ultrasonography, either transvaginally or transabdominally, checks for various markers of fetal sex. It can be performed at or after week 12 of pregnancy. At this point,  75% of fetal sexes can be correctly determined, according to a 2001 study. Accuracy for males is approximately 50% and for females almost 100%. When performed after week 13 of pregnancy, ultrasonography gives an accurate result in almost 100% of cases.

     In India this most brutal form of killing females takes place regularly, even before they have the opportunity to be born. Female feticide--the selective abortion of female fetuses--is killing upwards of one million females in India annually with far-ranging and tragic consequences. In some areas, the sex ratio of females to males has dropped to less than 8000:1000. Females not only face inequality in this culture, they are even denied the right to be born.

      Why do so many families selectively abort baby daughters? In a word: economics. Aborting female fetuses is both practical and socially acceptable in India (as a helpless option). Female feticide is driven by many factors, but primarily by the prospect of having to pay a dowry to the future bridegroom of a daughter. While sons offer security to their families in old age and can perform the rites for the souls of deceased parents and ancestors, daughters are perceived as a social and economic burden. Prenatal sex detection technologies have been misused, allowing the selective abortions of female offspring to proliferate. While abortion is legal in India, it is a crime to abort a pregnancy solely because the fetus is female. Strict laws and penalties are in place for violators. These laws, however, have not stemmed the tide of this abhorrent practice as seen in the recent case. There are many such places where abortion of female fetus is a norm rather than exception. Only education can resolve this issue and offset traditional practices. Real challenge before the society is not to introduce new and need identified schemes but, their implementation & promulgation on ground which can only be done by the educated classes to uplift the masses. Time has come for us to commit ourselves to the cause and work for results rather than doing lip service and see to it that the girl child is happily accepted as the most important part of society.

INDIAN INTIATIVE IN GREAT LAKES REGION OF AFRICA : Visit by Vice President

                                

 The ongoing visit of Vice President of India Mr Hamid Ansari to Rwanda & Uganda is part of the conscious broadening of India’s diplomatic footprint in Sub-Saharan Africa, especially in the Great Lakes region. In Rwanda, Ansari launched India-Rwanda Innovation Growth Programme as part of which there would be a technology expo of India’s low-cost innovations. President of Rwanda Paul Kagame had earlier attended the Vibrant Gujarat Global Summit in January. During his visit to Uganda from February 21-23, the Vice President met his counterpart and the President of Uganda. Relations between India and Uganda are characterised by historical cultural linkages, extensive economic and trade interest and a convergence on major bilateral and international issues. The visit is expected to deepen and expand the bilateral relationships. The visit of the Vice-President is part of the conscious broadening of India’s diplomatic footprint in Sub-Saharan Africa, especially in the Great Lakes region.

      India and African continent’s relations are marked by cordiality, convergence of views and cooperation on major international issues, increasing bilateral trade and investments, greater people-to-people contact and a deep sense of mutual respect . Crucially, they have the potential to do much more business with one another. But while greater integration between India and the African continent presents mutually beneficial opportunities, it won’t be without challenges.

      Africa enjoys strong economic relationships with traditional partners like the EU. China is fast becoming one of the region’s main investors as well – alongside the US, China is currently Africa’s second largest trade partner. Meanwhile, India’s trade role in Africa has grown at a steady – albeit lesser – pace. The Indian government’s financial resources are not as large as China’s. It is Indian private investors who tend to be leading and financing the country’s activities in Africa.

      African and Indian consumers have similar levels of income and, consequently, compatible quality requirements. This opens a trade opportunity for Indian firms that would fail to make their mark in developed countries. India shares certain cultural and institutional similarities – such as language and institutions based on a common colonial past, particularly in Great Lake Region which saw Indians coming to build their railways under the British rule & later, the influx of Gujarati traders; only to be disrupted for time being during the rule of Idi Amin in the early seventies. This facilitates investment in areas where other foreign investors would be dissuaded. Being in close time zones, fluent in English and having similar legal systems are all advantages in the provision of business, legal and telecommunications services. This also allows Indian services providers to expand and diversify both destinations and type of services.

      Through greater ties with India, African firms will have access to a gigantic market whose consumers have similar level of income. Again, this is a chance to specialise in products with similar quality standards. Rwanda & Uganda can also benefit from the large pool of skills India offers: engineers, managers and other professionals are available at a short travel distance to provide essential services and help build their professional capacity. Experience with similar challenges (such as poor infrastructure), which require the ability to operate with scarce resources, can facilitate the exchange.

      Making the necessary policy changes for stronger trading relationships is a major challenge. Ensuring free temporary movement of people in the provision of services would allow skilled Indian professionals to transfer their skills; this will be achieved through easing out the visa formalities & establishment of resident mission in Rwanda as planned. Duty free access to each other’s market will be essential for African and Indian exporters. India-Africa relationship is growing stronger and governments are signalling their intention to institutionalise this further. But to deliver real benefits for people in two of the world’s poorest regions, they need to put the right policies in place to back up their good intentions.

TRUMP IS HERE

WELL FOUGHT BLUE RED IS THE WINNER

     Donald Trump was sworn in by chief justice John Roberts as the 45th president of the United States, as Barack Obama handed over White House on 20 Jan 2017 to the businessman, who has never held office or served in the military. President Donald Trump delivered a 16-minute inaugural address that emphasized his populist campaign themes, promising to drain the Washington swamp and revitalize manufacturing and the middle class. "From this day forward, it’s going to be only America first. America first," Trump said. "Every decision on trade, on taxes, on immigration, on foreign affairs, will be made to benefit American workers and American families."

     His victory was not unprecedented, however, in terms of votes in the Electoral College, and he lost the popular vote to Clinton by more than 3 million. He won almost 57 percent of the available votes in the Electoral College, which puts him in the bottom quarter of presidents in American history.  In 2000, George W. Bush, who like Trump had lost the popular vote but whose victory hinged on the U.S. Supreme Court, had a special obligation to try to unite the country. His address had repeated references to unity and a shared American community. Some critics thought it rang hollow, but it was a deliberate attempt. Trump did not make that attempt.

     Despite a bitter and divisive campaign, Trump made no acknowledgement of his political rival, Democratic presidential nominee Hillary Clinton, who attended, all smiles, with her husband, former president Bill Clinton. And he made only brief mention of Barack Obama, but only to thank the now-former president and first lady for their help through the transition.

     The address was vintage, with Trump, rehashing some of the same-old fiery campaign slogans and themes he used on the trail: make America great again, put America first, bring back jobs and secure the borders. Trump ripped into the establishment, accusing them of reaping the rewards of government "while the people have borne the cost." The politicians' victories have not been their victories, he said, and while the politicians celebrated, the people struggled. The speech sounded "very angry" and like "classic populism”. Here are the key points from the new President :

      1.  We will follow two simple rules: buy American and hire American.

      2. We’ve defended other nation's borders while refusing to defend our own.

      3. We’ve subsidized the armies of other countries while allowing for the very sad depletion of our      military. 

      4.  We’ve made other countries rich while the wealth … of our country has dissipated over the    horizon.

      5.  An education system flush with cash, but which leaves our young and beautiful students deprived  of all knowledge that need change

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     In sociology, a system is said to be social equilibrium when there is a dynamic working balance among its interdependent parts. Each subsystem will adjust to any change in the other subsystems and will continue to do so until an equilibrium is retained. The process of achieving equilibrium will only work if the changes happen slowly, but for rapid changes it would throw the social system into chaos, unless and until a new equilibrium can be reached.

     Pluralists stress civil rights, such as freedom of expression and organization, and an electoral system with at least two parties. On the other hand, since the participants in this process constitute only a tiny fraction of the populace, the public acts mainly as bystanders. How far can Trump go to fulfill Libertarian promises he made in his first speech as President. Only time will tell.

The Kolhapuri Dangal

“Kai Pahalwan”(What say! Pahalwan) this was a common form of greeting young lads from Kolhapur in the days gone by. Wrestlers are called pahalwan in most Indian languages. As a young boy I too had my tryst with the sport of Kushti or wrestling at the local Talim ( Akhada) and swelled with pride when called Pahalwan. The talims used to be full strength early in the morning with the sounds of chest thumping and the aroma of sweat filling the air. Youngsters took pride in building their bodies and playing the sport.  It was very common practice in those days  that young boys from Haryana & Punjab came to Kolhapur in the Talims  to  build their bodies and learn the nuances of wrestling, many of them could be seen competing at the local wrestling matches called ‘Dangals’. Though the number of such enthusiasts has reduced it is still not uncommon to find young lads from North doing their ‘Dand Baithaks’ (squats & pushups) in the talims of Kolhapur.

    Genesis of Kushti was rooted in 1894 during Chatrapati Shahu Maharaj’s rule when he built hundreds of talims throughout Kolhapur and invited wrestlers from all over pre-partition India, several of them from the part of Punjab that now lies in Pakistan. Kolhapur was also the alma mater of the legendary Gama pehelwan, born Ghulam Muhammad in 1878, who remained undefeated in a career spanning over 50 years, his story known to every pehelwan. The saga of Kushti continued even after the death of Shahu Maharaj who had built the Khasbag Maidan, a stadium for witnessing the dangals or fights. This place can comfortably accommodate a large crowd with a gallery for the royals & has its inspiration in the colosseum of Rome. Kolhapur has been the venue for a number of reputed matches including that of the defeat of then famous  Stanislaus Zbyszko the two time world champion from Poland to Rahim Baksh  from Lahore, as also the Hind Kesari championship in 2012. But the one remembered till date by all Kolhapuris is the loss of Satpal Maharaj of Delhi akhada to Yuvraj Patil of Kolhapur.

     Kolhapur boasts of the first Indian Olympic medal in individual sport by KD Jadhav, when he won the bronze in 1952 at Helsinki. Such was the love for this sport in Kolhapur that Barrister Balasaheb Khardekar, principal of the Rajaram College, where Jadhav studied, mortgaged his home for Rs 7,000 to send his former student to the Olympics while other sports lovers also added to the funds. On his return he was welcomed to a big fanfare including elephants.  Later came many famous wrestlers from the talims of Kolhapur that include Hind Kesari,  Birajdar & Dadu Chougule. But of late there has been no significant contribution to the list of wrestlers of repute, so much so, that even the Pro Wrestling League doesn’t have any wrestler from Kolhapur.

Where did Kolhapur lose it all then? Despite the love for the sport and despite the pride with which the Kolhapuri once thumped his chest on being called a Pahalwan the day has come when no longer Kolhapur can bask in in its old glory of wrestling. Could it be the fact that the Kolhapuri is too stuck to his traditional Kushti in the talims on the ground rather than on the mats. Or due to the lack of Government support in promoting the Greeco Roman & Freestyle forms of wrestling and the paucity of exposure to the pahalwans of Kolhapur. Lack of style quotient attached to the sport has also been a reason till the recent past; movies like’ Dangal’ & ‘Sultan’ have surely contributed to the resurgence of interest in the sport.  Only time will tell, whether, the Kolhapuri Pahalwan will rise again.

     In the meantime may good sense prevail and the Pahalwans accept change & take to the popular forms of wrestling on the mat and may Kolhapur keep producing international sportspersons like Shailaja Salonke, Tejaswani Sawant, Rahi Sarnobat & Veerdhawal Khade. A day will surely come when the Kirti Satmbh of KD Jadhav at the famous Bhavani Mandap, the central Pavilion of old palace at Kolhapur, will have to add space to honor other international sportspersons from Kolhapur.

The Kolhapuri Dangal